The European chancelleries of the 19th century had a fondness for witty barbs about the Ottoman Empire. One particularly enduring line, attributed to a senior British diplomat, described the Sublime Porte as “the sick man of Europe, who nonetheless insists on dictating his doctor’s prescriptions.” Today, Ankara may not be sick, but its diplomatic stamina suggests it has certainly mastered the art of making Europe swallow its medicine.
Recent developments in European-Turkish relations, particularly in light of the ReArm Europe doctrine, indicate a striking media convergence around Ankara’s supposed centrality to the continent’s security. But is this a spontaneous recognition of geopolitical necessity, or is something more deliberate at play?
Türkiye’s strategic narrative and the European media push
The Financial Times has played a leading role in this campaign, as demonstrated by its recent March 5th profile interview of Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, where Türkiye was positioned as a vital partner for European security. Similarly, German media outlets have echoed sentiments of Türkiye’s growing strategic significance, further amplifying Ankara’s confidence.
This enthusiastic reception has led to a notable rhetorical escalation in Turkish media, including high-profile statements that directly challenge Greece and Cyprus. One striking example is a recent post by Yusuf Erim, a prominent analyst at Türkiye’s state-run TRT (based in the U.S.), who took to X to express frustration over Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides’ remarks regarding Türkiye’s participation in EU discussions on Ukraine.
Erim’s comment—“Throw the Greek Cypriots out of the EU. There are plenty of other beaches for Europeans to swim in. The Greek Cypriots offer nothing to Brussels except draining funds and blocking progress” (March 13)—is a stark illustration of the communication dynamics unfolding in Türkiye’s public sphere.
Pro-government media: A measured yet assertive tone
While such inflammatory rhetoric remains an outlier, Turkish pro-government media have adopted a more measured but equally assertive approach, framing Greece and Cyprus as potential disruptors of Türkiye’s EU ambitions. The Milliyet, a traditionally pro-government newspaper, recently (March 14) acknowledged the risk of Greek and Cypriot resistance to deeper EU-Türkiye ties but presented it in a diplomatic tone:
“Türkiye’s economically sustainable and technically advanced defense industry, along with its ability to mobilize millions of troops through conscription, makes Ankara an indispensable partner. EU diplomatic sources indicate that the rapprochement between Türkiye and Greece and the upcoming UN-hosted informal summit of Cypriot leaders in Switzerland have created a positive atmosphere within the EU toward Türkiye.”
Media narratives and the Cyprus factor
A report in the Financial Times (March 11) caused ripples across European and Turkish media alike, citing NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte’s “warning” that Europe’s security would face grave risks without a deal with Türkiye. The Turkish press, unsurprisingly, ran with this—though with a local twist. The opposition-leaning Sozcu led with: “Rutte calls, only obstacle Cyprus!”—placing the blame squarely on Nicosia.
On March 10, pro-government Turkish media outlets highlighted what they described as Türkiye’s “increasingly powerful geopolitical position” and the “recognition of Turkish strength by Europe.” Articles in these publications framed Türkiye as an indispensable player in regional and global affairs, calling for a recalibration of European attitudes toward Ankara.
Türkiye’s military strength versus EU hypocrisy on accession
The daily newspaper Yeni Safak took a particularly aggressive stance, declaring that “our ancient enemy, Greece, and the murderer and genocidal Netanyahu, Prime Minister of Israel, now need a strong Ottoman slap.”
Meanwhile, the Milliyet struck a more diplomatic yet assertive tone, stating, “It is time for Greece to end its hostility toward Türkiye. It is time for Türkiye to join the EU. It is time for European countries to act in accordance with Türkiye’s significance.”
Adding to this, the Daily Sabah (March 9) echoed similar sentiments, emphasizing Türkiye’s growing geopolitical axis and its potential to reshape Europe’s security architecture. The article quoted Tom Waldyn of the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), who noted, “Türkiye has the second-largest army in NATO and the most battle-hardened, having fought for decades. Yet, its cooperation with the EU has been hampered by the Cyprus issue.”
This recurring theme—that Cyprus remains the primary roadblock to Türkiye’s deeper integration with Europe—has also been picked up by Turkish analysts. Murat Yetkin (March 13) reinforced this perspective, arguing that the real turning point came when “Greece blackmailed Germany into vetoing Poland and granted membership to the ‘Greek Cypriot Administration’ that had rejected the reunification plan.” He added, “Europe’s hypocrisy is glaring. For years, they stalled Türkiye’s EU accession talks under the pretext of the Copenhagen Criteria. Now, they’re ready to overlook those same criteria because they need Türkiye’s military capabilities.”
Ergin’s call for a broader perspective
Prominent columnist and pro-European commentator Sedat Ergin has published a series of opinion pieces in Hurriyet—a traditionally pro-government yet institutionally significant daily newspaper—arguing that Türkiye’s EU accession process is at a turning point. Ergin emphasizes the growing possibility of revitalized negotiations and urges Brussels to reassess Ankara’s strategic role in light of Europe’s shifting geopolitical landscape.
In a March 7 article titled “Europe only remembers us when it needs us,” Ergin calls on the EU to take a broader perspective when evaluating Türkiye’s contributions. He argues that Brussels, as it looks toward a future full of uncertainties, the EU should also make an assessment by comparing, in the bigger picture, the scale of Türkiye’s contributions with that of the “Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus”-Greece bloc. His remarks suggest that Greece’s influence in EU policymaking may be disproportionate to its actual contributions.
The following day, in a March 8 article titled “Transition to a phase of ‘strategic consensus’ with the EU,” Ergin expands on Türkiye’s expectations from Brussels, particularly in the defense sector. He draws attention to a key grievance raised by President Erdoğan: Türkiye’s exclusion from EU defense procurement programs for Ukraine and the country’s post-war reconstruction efforts. According to Ergin, Erdoğan seeks to rectify this situation, but overcoming obstacles posed by Greece, the Greek Cypriot administration, and, to a lesser extent, France will be crucial in moving forward.
The Greek and Cypriot factor in Türkiye’s European ambitions
The key question is whether European capitals are willing to steamroll over objections from Athens and Nicosia to accommodate Türkiye. If we are to believe the Milliyet narrative, the answer is yes. According to its Brussels correspondent Güldener Sonumut (14/3), an “atmosphere of positivity” is forming within the EU regarding Türkiye, citing unnamed diplomats. Conveniently, similar language has appeared in posts by RusenPressX, a Turkish nationalist social media outlet.
The Aydinlik article (11/3) takes this even further, warning that if Europe doesn’t tread carefully, Türkiye may be pushed closer to Russia—an argument that has long been a staple of Ankara’s diplomatic playbook. Meanwhile, the broader Turkish media landscape reflects an unusual consensus, from nationalist outlets to government-aligned ones, reinforcing the narrative that the EU is approaching Ankara as a necessity rather than a choice.
The notion that Greece and Cyprus are out to sabotage Türkiye’s newfound rapprochement with Europe is gaining traction across Turkish media. The nationalist Cumhuriyet (14/3) expresses concern, “The question remains as to where and how Türkiye will fit into Europe’s security framework, given its own pressing security challenges—ranging from instability on its southern borders to what it sees as EU-backed Greek provocations in the Aegean, the Eastern Mediterranean, and Cyprus.” A strategic reality or a convenient bogeyman?
Moderate voices: A reminder of democratic deficits
Gradually, even non-government-aligned Turkish media have begun to embrace the enthusiastic reception of Europe’s acknowledgment that “Türkiye is essential to the new architecture of European defense and security.” Unsurprisingly, this shift is most evident among staunchly pro-European outlets, which have adopted a tone of measured optimism—steering clear of the excessive rhetoric seen in some pro-government publications.
At the same time, these more moderate voices seek to remind audiences of Türkiye’s “remaining democratic deficit,” which they argue may still represent a “final obstacle” on Ankara’s path to European integration. In a March 14 column for Karar, journalist Taha Akyol underscores this concern, stating: “Strategy and democracy are two different matters—gaps remain, and they could turn into pitfalls.”
Media narratives and strategic messaging
The sheer synchronicity of these narratives suggests a degree of message discipline. That doesn’t mean there’s a grand conspiracy, but it does hint at an active shaping of the discourse—whether by Ankara, by international actors keen on Türkiye’s engagement, or both. The timing is also impeccable: just as the EU is being pressured to rearm, Ankara emerges as the must-have partner.
For instance, the Anadolu Ajansı (10/3) published an extensive report featuring European analysts like Spatafora (EUISS), Vesterbye (ENC), and Paul (EPC), all of whom emphasized Türkiye’s critical role in European security. These analysts, who have been quoted repeatedly in Turkish media, seem to be part of a broader effort to legitimize Ankara’s demands.
What’s the play here?
The real test will be how the EU handles dissent within its own ranks. For now, the emerging media consensus suggests that Türkiye’s role in Europe is being actively positioned as too critical to be blocked by old grievances. But if history has taught us anything, it’s that Europe always finds a way to keep its Turkish negotiations frustratingly incomplete—just ask anyone still waiting on Ankara’s EU accession talks.
As another 19th-century wit once put it, “Türkiye always finds itself at Europe’s table—but never with a full plate.” The only question now is whether this time, Erdoğan will finally be served the main course.